When you spend 16 years and billions of dollars designing a new home, you'd
think everyone would get a place to sleep. Last week, however, when the
Russian space agency launched into orbit the 22-ton Zvezda service
module--the latest, $320 million addition to the much delayed International
Space Station--officials conceded they had overlooked something. Though the
school bus-size pod will be home to three astronauts for four months at a
time, it has been outfitted with only two tiny sleeping berths--leaving one
crewman no place to bunk.
It's possible no one aboard Zvezda will be sleeping much anyway, since the
ship was built with so little noise muffling that the crew has to wear
earplugs to shut out the din of onboard equipment. Then there's the
temporary lack of shielding to protect the module from a rogue meteor hit--a
potential calamity that could keep any astronaut awake at night.
Despite such obvious design glitches, the launch of Zvezda was greeted with
jubilation--and for good reason. The U.S.-led, 16-nation ISS had been on
hold for two years while the cash-poor Russians tried to scare up the funds
to get the module built and launched. It was only with an infusion of
dollars from Washington--as well as from so capitalist a benefactor as Pizza
Hut, which bought advertising space on the side of the Zvezda booster--that
the job was completed. Zvezda now joins the Zarya and Unity modules, which
have been in orbit since 1998, forming the centerpiece of a massive
360-ft.-long, 460-ton space liner, set to be completed in 2005.
Remarkable as the ISS may one day be, it's a ship that never should have set
sail, critics say. Its cost is at least eight times the initial estimates,
and the hardware is nearly a decade behind schedule. And after the ISS is
built, there may be nothing for it to do. Many of the medical studies NASA
hopes to conduct have been performed aboard Russia's Mir space station;
other work on materials manufacturing could be performed by unmanned ships.
Despite all these problems, the ISS is probably here to stay. In the years
the station has been in the works, it has become that rarest of Washington
creations, the politically indestructible extravagance. How a project that
has sparked so little interest and so much skepticism has taken on such an
aura of inevitability is a case study in how good bureaucratic ideas turn
bad--and bad ideas stick around. "The only way we're not going to have the
station," says Chris Mehl, spokesman for Indiana Representative Tim Roemer,
"is if pieces fall out of the sky."
The ISS, like so many of Washington's big-ticket programs, was a creature of
the cold war. In 1984, President Reagan, smarting from the Soviet Union's
long line of successful space stations, announced that the U.S. was getting
into the station game. The American entry would measure a whopping 500 ft.,
cost a frugal $8 billion and go online by 1992. Dreaming up so grand a
machine turned out to be a lot easier than designing it, however, and over
the next eight years, NASA spent a staggering $10 billion drawing and
discarding blueprints, without a single piece of metal ever getting cut.
"The space agency has no clue how to develop anything large anymore," says
James Muncy, a former staff member on the House Space and Aeronautics subcommittee.
With the public cool to the pricey project, sentiment grew to pull the plug
on it. But history stepped in. When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, U.S.
spending on cold war weaponry began to dry up, threatening to push the
defense industry into a recession. A way was needed to help keep aerospace
contractors busy without relying on the Pentagon, and the space station was
just the thing. In 1993, President Clinton ordered NASA to come up with a
slimmed-down station that could include Russia as a cost-sharing partner.
Even in a Congress raised on pork, such seeming make-work did not go down
easily. In June 1993, Roemer introduced an amendment to cut off station
funding. The measure failed, but only by a whisker, 216 to 215. In a
partisan Congress, a one-vote margin is a tenuous thing, and in order to
widen the gap, NASA turned to a time-tested budgetary strategy, spreading the wealth.
ISS supporters had not failed to notice that as close as the 1993 vote was,
the delegations from Alabama, Florida and Texas were almost unanimous in
their support, since it was in their states that much station work would be
done. As early as 1992, NASA lobbyists had been descending on Washington
with cheery charts and maps making the point that as the project grew, the
money would seep out in countless directions. BUSINESS GETTING BUCK$, one
map read, promising a "procurement constituency" of 40 states. After the
1993 vote, this hard sell only increased. "NASA approached this the way a
defense project is approached," says Mehl. "I don't think pork necessarily
changes minds. It's just an insurance policy."
If so, it's a policy that's paying off. The space station's prime contractor
is Boeing, with offices in Seattle, Houston and Huntsville, Ala. In recent
years, however, NASA has distributed the goodies to 67 other prime
contractors and 35 major subcontractors in 22 states. Much of the most
important work is being done on the home turf of some of Washington's key
lawmakers. Boeing's Huntington Beach, Calif., facility, for example, is
located in the district of Republican Dana Rohrabacher, chairman of the
Space and Aeronautics subcommittee. The Alabama district of Democrat Robert
Cramer Jr., of the VA, HUD and Independent Agencies subcommittee, is home to
the Marshall Space Flight Center. Whether scattering space-station work this
way has changed individual lawmakers' minds is impossible to say, but
Congress has clearly grown to like the project. In 1994, the station's
one-vote funding margin grew to a comfortable 278 to 155. In 1999, it was a
landslide 337 to 92.
NASA administrator Daniel Goldin bristles at the idea that there is any
cunning behind the selection of ISS contractors, insisting that the choices
are dictated by economic realities--and his point has merit. With a project
as big as the station, there's no such thing as one-stop shopping, and NASA
must go where the companies are. "Under this administrator," Goldin says,
"we actually streamlined the program."
Streamlined or not, the station is costing more than ever. The Clinton
Administration promised that U.S. spending on the ISS would be capped at
$17.4 billion--on top of the $10 billion already spent, that is. But
production problems and periodic bailouts of the Russians have pushed that
figure closer to $25 billion. Boeing and others stress that up to 90% of the
hardware has been built without busting the federal budget. That money,
however, does not include the dozens of shuttle flights that will be
necessary to ferry the ISS components into space, adding $15 billion to $20
billion to the bottom line. Even after the construction work is done, many
contractors will stay on board to support the ISS over its 20-year
life-span. "We need the contractors so that if problems arise, we can get to
the right people," says Greg Martin, a Boeing manager. Adding two decades of
this high-priced consulting and repair work could push costs upwards of $96 billion.
Whether such a jaw-dropping figure is worth it for so scientifically dubious
a project is unclear. Goldin--who has made "better, faster, cheaper" NASA's
operating refrain--insists it is. "This is about America's quest to go to
Mars and back to the moon," he says.
It's too early to tell if the space station can help the country accomplish
anything so ambitious. In October a shuttle will deliver the first piece of
the enormous truss that will hold the ISS's solar panels and modules in
place. By November the first three-man crew may be aboard. NASA's latest
budget has been stalled in Congress as lawmakers debate new ISS spending
caps. But if history is any indication, the differences will be resolved,
and the spending will go on. When taxpayers get the final bill, the Zvezda
astronauts may not be the only ones losing sleep.
The Bottom Line
INITIAL DESIGN -- $10 billion
HARDWARE -- $25 billion
SHUTTLE COSTS -- $20 billion
MAINTENANCE -- $41 billion
GRAND TOTAL -- $96 billion
Home Page